The disruptive climate activists of Letzte Generation are thinly veiled agents of the state, who have received a broad license to disrupt and vandalise in furtherance of the Green agenda

The question to ask of every leftist protest, is not why nobody is stopping it, but whose interests it serves.

It is hard not to laugh at the self-gluing climate lunatics of Letzte Generation.

Their members often make incredibly naive public statements and beclown themselves with stupid public actions, their environmental concerns are incoherent and unsupported, and their membership is larded with young middle-class women who quickly forget their apocalyptic obsessions when the school holidays roll around.

This makes it easy to overlook the fact that they are deeply embedded in the dense NGO climate-change network. Key activists receive salaries from a Berlin organisation called the Wandelbündnis (the ‘Alliance for Change’), which channels money from the Climate Emergency Fund. The latter, co-founded by American oil heiress Aileen Getty, funds similar activist organisations in other countries, like Renovate Switzerland and Just Stop Oil in the United Kingdom. It’s an international web of activist organisations funded from the very centre of empire – where, mysteriously, it seems that such protests rarely if ever occur.

It can’t be an accident that Letzte Generation have focused on blocking traffic in Berlin, precisely as Robert Habeck, the Green Minister for Economic Affairs, seeks to realise a series of long-planned and economically catastrophic energy transition measures for the Federal Republic. Their constant protests maintain an environment of disorder and hysteria in the German capital and ensure that climate change never leaves the headlines. It also can’t be an accident that the German state should work very hard to maintain a veneer of opposition to these obnoxious protesters, while never actually doing very much. Olaf Scholz used a public appearance to call the activists “crazy” and they responded by smearing Berlin SPD headquarters in orange paint. The most significant enforcement action to date unfolded several days later, as Munich prosecutors ordered broad-scale raids on the activists’ apartments, shut down their website and seized some of their assets. This provoked a bizarre condemnation from Amnesty International and even prompted the United Nations to demand the protection of climate activists. It did little stop Letzte Generation, however, who capitalised on the publicity and continued protesting as before.

In fact, as the Berliner Zeitung points out, the police and state prosecutors have adopted an overwhelmingly lenient approach to Letzte Generation, investigating and charging the traffic-blocking activists for the lesser offence of “coercion,” rather than the much more serious “deprivation of liberty,” which is what trapping thousands of motorists in their cars actually amounts to. And when they are tried even on these lesser offences, activists generally receive nothing but fines from a complicit judiciary and are rarely imprisoned. This is important, because there aren’t very many of them; if the state started systematically imprisoning Letzte Generation members, the traffic blocking would soon be over with.

Protests against authoritarian hygiene measures were systematically outlawed all across the West during the Corona pandemic. In Germany, protesters faced incredible police brutality and substantial sentences, and political police investigated their organisations as alleged “enemies of democracy.” While leftist protesters like Letzte Generation could far more easily be classified as anti-democratic, they’re not opponents of the state at all, but rather its loosely affiliated agents. Police and prosecutors could stop the blockades and the vandalism at any time, but they won’t. Letzte Generation and its sister organisations are actors in an elaborate charade, intended to lend a populist democratic aura to climate protection policies, which flow not from the people but from unaccountable out-of-sight think-tanks, NGOs and bureaucratic institutions. Their radical rhetoric also allows the truly crazy politicians managing the energy transition to appear reasonable and moderate. We’re seeing before us the emergence of a totally new kind of authoritarianism, one which clothes itself in the forms and orders of liberal democracy, while imposing top-down policies on a confused and disoriented citizenry. The authoritarianism of the DDR was far more direct and hence more easily opposed.